September 2005
Northern Ireland Update
Over the past two weeks Northern Ireland has again been in the
news for all the wrong reasons. Therefore, it is perhaps a good
time to send an update to those of you in the United States who
take a particular interest in events here and in the Presbyterian
Church (U.S.A.) involvement.
From the last week in June to mid-August our family was in the
United States on “interpretation assignment.” During
that time we spoke about 25 times at 16 churches and two mission
conferences. Having told everybody we saw all summer how quiet
Belfast now is compared to the bad old days, it has been a bit
of a shock to feel dragged back into them these past two weeks!
Disturbances erupted when a controversial Orange Order parade
on the Springfield Road in West Belfast on September 10th was
re-routed to avoid going through a Nationalist district. Rioting
rapidly spread, as underlying tensions in lower-income Loyalist/Unionist/Protestant
areas erupted into raging battles with police in several parts
of west, north and east Belfast. Within a short period there were
also disturbances, hijackings, and protests blocking roads in
several predominantly Loyalist towns and villages in County Antrim.
What began as pushing and shoving between some Orange marchers
and police rapidly turned into more serious rioting as paramilitary
groups exploited the situation for their own purpose. Around 150
gunshots were fired at police and they returned fire on a limited
scale. Well over a hundred vehicles were hijacked and set ablaze.
Key arterial routes were blocked. Costly damage was done to street
lighting, traffic lights, road surfaces, and some buildings. Water
canons were used to disperse crowds. And, as is often the case,
disturbances re-ignited in flashpoint areas at almost predictable
times on successive nights. In addition, over the past two weeks
largely peaceful—though still illegal—protests have
continued to be staged during rush hour to disrupt traffic and
draw attention to perceived grievances.
Although there has been the worst rioting in perhaps ten years—it
still has been limited to fairly small areas. Therefore, we have
not been under threat, nor have any of the Young Adult Volunteers.
I have had to cancel one or two journeys to other parts of the
city I had intended to make some nights, and we have had to rethink
routes at times based on the latest news of disturbances or protests
closing roads. I drove past burned out vehicles on the way to
work several mornings and on one afternoon Stephen, our youngest
son, had difficulty getting home from school due to road blockages
and traffic disruption. He was never in any danger—but the
cell phone networks collapsed for a period due to overuse and
it was frustrating in that we couldn’t be in touch with
each other. None of that is actually serious—but these are
heavy days partly because no one knows where it is leading and
more importantly because we have seen depths of hatred, alienation,
anger, and self-centeredness—we wouldn’t have wanted
to believe were there—exposed in full view.
So why has all of this erupted?
Since the Belfast Agreement was signed in 1998 most Unionists
feel that more and more concessions have been made to Republicans
by the British government in order to keep them on board a peace
process. These include the early release of prisoners convicted
of terrorist or politically motivated crimes, amnesty for IRA
offenders on the run, reduction in security measures, and changes
in policing. At the same time Unionists feel let down that Republicans
(Sinn Fein and the IRA) have not followed through on their commitment
to disarm, have not stopped engaging in criminal activity, and
haven’t offered support to the new policing arrangements
by taking up their places on the Policing Board or encouraging
those from Republican strongholds to join the police. Unionists
also feel that their political and cultural rights are being chipped
away. What they point to most are decisions by the Parades Commission
(an appointed body empowered to rule on contentious parades) not
to allow certain Orange parades to proceed along the routes they
would like because groups of Nationalist/Republican residents
in those areas have objected to them.
Unionists feel that the gains in the peace process have gone
to Nationalists and Republicans and that they have lost on a number
of points. Hence, when another parade was re-routed by the Parades
Commission (even though it was only by a few hundred meters) and
the police affirmed that they would enforce the decision made
by the Parades Commission, some Unionist politicians denounced
the government’s stance, some Orange leaders called supporters
to come on to the streets to protest (they would say peacefully),
and Loyalist paramilitaries exploited the unease for their own
purposes and unleashed street violence in several areas at the
time of the parade. Loyalist communities then felt that the police
were heavy-handed in their role, and that further enraged them.
There are other bits of background information that may help
to explain this particular eruption. Near the end of July the
IRA issued a statement indicating more clearly than ever that
“the war is over” and signaling that the pursuit of
a United Ireland is now to be carried forward by their colleagues
in Sinn Fein solely through political means. They went on to order
their members to “dump arms” (return weapons to secure
dumps) and adopt “exclusively peaceful means.” The
order to dump arms is a first step toward decommissioning of their
weapons, something Unionists have been waiting for since 1998.
The IRA also indicated that it will dispose of its weapons with
both Protestant and Catholic church representatives present and
able to credibly verify to the wider population that this has
been a genuine act.
The wider world has heard these announcements as very hopeful,
but the average Unionist has reacted differently. They remain
skeptical, knowing that the IRA have made lots of promises in
the past without ever fully giving up violent or criminal activities.
Even a poll taken in the Republic of Ireland shortly after the
IRA statement indicated that over 80 percent of respondents did
not believe that the IRA would cease its criminal activity. Unionists
also worry about what has been promised to the IRA by the British
government to produce that July statement. Immediately after the
statement there was a surge of activity as the British Army began
demolishing some of its remaining installations in Northern Ireland,
and there is talk of disbanding the Royal Irish Regiment, a locally
recruited and based unit within the British Army. As well, on
the eve of the announcement Sean Kelly, an IRA man convicted of
planting a bomb that killed ten people in a fish shop on the Protestant/Loyalist
Shankill Road in 1993, was released from prison. Such things are
bitter pills for the Unionist population to swallow—and
they fear that others may follow and feel this is profoundly unjust.
Some also feel the lesson of the past 30 years is that violence
has worked for Republicans. So why not use a bit themselves to
express their grievances and force the government to address some
of the deprivation, alienation, and malaise in low-income Loyalist
districts? (Government spokespeople have replied by asserting
that it is not violence that has been rewarded but the Republican
movement away from violence.)
Over the summer there has also been a running feud between two
Loyalist paramilitary groups, the UVF and the LVF. Several LVF
members or supporters have been murdered by the UVF. In the weeks
immediately before the Whiterock Orange Parade there were police
raids in the nearby Highfield Estate relating to this internecine
Loyalist fighting. Some paramilitary units may well have seen
the clash around the parade as an opportunity or excuse to attack
the police in return.
Whatever the fuses, and there are bound to have been more than
one, for this explosion of Loyalist violence, the upshot is a
public relations disaster for the Orange, for Loyalist paramilitary
groups, and for Unionist politicians—whose leadership has
been disappointing and whose case for having real alienation,
grievances, and fears addressed has not been effectively communicated.
It is also difficult to see what the government could realistically
do that would address some of the angst in Loyalist/Unionist/Protestant
communities. Much of what they might ask for is simply not on
the agenda of the wider peace process the British and Irish governments
are pursuing. The physical wreckage from the disturbances is less
visible each day, but the political damage will take a lot longer
to undo as will rebuilding relationships between groups.
Meanwhile, speculation is rife that IRA decommissioning may well
take place within the next few days. In fact, many with good insights
believe it has already begun. If this is so, it is wonderful but
not without difficulties. There are still rows going on over whether
or not any observers will be acceptable to all parties. There
is also the demand that the IRA not simply disarm but also cease
all criminal activity before any significant trust between political
parties here can be re-established. Hence, after any act of decommissioning—no
matter how dramatic and no matter who verifies it—there
will be a kind of “decontamination period” during
which Republicans will be carefully scrutinised for engagement
in or tolerance of criminal activity. Reports expected from the
International Monitoring Commission in October and January will
be vital in helping to verify whether or not Republicans have
truly moved away from violence and embraced politics as the sole
means of pursuing their ambitions.
Again, even if there is dramatic decommissioning in the immediate
future no one here expects a return to devolved power-sharing
government anytime soon. The Democratic Unionist Party wants another
election to take place before that would happen. This they hope
will allow them to strengthen their vote and at the same time
test their mandate for such a move. Sinn Fein would likely hope
for the same. Meanwhile there are unpopular political decisions
to be made about introducing water charges, reassessing property
values and tax rates, closing local hospitals, and introducing
other far reaching economic measures. It could suit local parties
for those decisions to be handled by Direct Rule Ministers, so
they are in no hurry to be back in Stormont. Watch this space—but
don’t expect major change any time soon!
Doug Baker
The 2005 Mission Yearbook for Prayer & Study, p.
174 |
