April 28, 2007

Northern Ireland Update

Recently a fish and chip shop opened in East Belfast. Its name, “For Cod and Ulster,” is a clever pun on the well known Loyalist slogan “For God and Ulster.” Its metal shutter has a cartoon sketch of DUP leader Ian Paisley saying “Probably the best chippy in Northern Ireland” and Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams replying “At least we agree on something.”

Just a few weeks ago, most people shared the sentiment that agreement at such a level was as much as might be expected from Paisley and Adams. Then on March 26 a significant corner was turned in Northern Ireland’s long and detour-plagued peace process.

March 26 had been set by the British government as an absolute deadline by which the two parties with the largest vote in the March 7 elections had to indicate their willingness to go into power-sharing by nominating a first minister and deputy first minister. If the deadline was missed, devolution of powers to the Northern Ireland Assembly was to be put on hold for at least several years, the salaries of the Assembly’s members stopped, unpopular policies on domestic rates, water charges, and education implemented immediately, and Northern Ireland ruled by ministers appointed by the UK government with a greater role given to the Irish government.

Sinn Fein indicated weeks ago they were prepared to nominate Ian Paisley as first minister and Martin McGuinness as deputy first minister. However, the DUP stated time and again they were not yet persuaded that conditions were right for power sharing. On March 24, the DUP’s 120-strong Executive met, and over 90 percent of those present agreed to commit to going into power sharing, but to seek a delay until May 8. Presumably they felt this would give their own skeptics more time to assess whether Sinn Fein are truly committed to leaving violence behind and would also indicate that the DUP were not being dictated to about the timing for movement. Publicly they said the delay would give time for more pressure to be put on the UK government for a larger financial package than so far promised as a “peace dividend” and time for those nominated as cabinet ministers in the new Stormont Assembly to prepare for their roles. Whatever their reasons, British Secretary of State Peter Hain insisted he could not alter the deadline set in legislation and the only way things could change was if the DUP and Sinn Fein themselves came up with a different deal and brought forward a joint proposal.

That is what happened. Over the weekend shuttle diplomacy between DUP and Sinn Fein politicians and some face-to-face meetings of officers paved the way for delegations of ten from each party to meet March 26 in the Assembly Building for the first ever face-to-face meeting including the party leaders. Shortly afterwards they sat on adjacent sides of a diamond-shaped table and announced their agreement to the world. (Time called it “a very Irish sort of compromise: they sat close together but on different sides, separated by a sharp edge.”)

In his remarks, Ian Paisley said, “We must not allow our justified loathing of the horrors and tragedies of the past to become a barrier to creating a better and more stable future.” Gerry Adams remarked, “We have all come a very long way in the process of peacemaking and national reconciliation. We are very conscious of the many people who have suffered. We owe it to them to build the best future possible. It is a time for generosity, a time to be mindful of the common good and of the future of all our people.” He also emphasized Sinn Fein’s willingness to agree to the six-week delay followed the DUP’s unequivocal commitment to engage fully in all of the restored political institutions come May 8, including cross-border ministerial councils with the Republic of Ireland.

Faced with such a breakthrough between Northern Ireland’s more extreme “unionist” and “nationalist” parties, emergency legislation was rushed through Westminster to allow for the delay.

A few DUP leaders have resigned their Party membership, believing that this is a step too far. Many Ulster Unionist and SDLP politicians understandably feel annoyed that their respective rival parties, who for decades acted as wreckers of political progress, have only been willing to engage in power sharing now that they have outmaneuvered the UUP and SDLP and achieved undisputed power within their respective sides. However, public reaction has largely been gratitude that another major hurdle has been passed and new attitudes are emerging that promise that real change is possible. But there is also widespread caution. Several commentators have written “Two Cheers for Devolution,” believing that giving the usual “three cheers” is still premature or lacks realism. They know this is a hugely significant moment but also only another step in a long journey still ahead.

Significant differences between the DUP and Sinn Fein on most major issues the Northern Ireland Assembly will deal with could still lead to an early collapse or paralysis at the heart of government. Monday’s agreement is the result of Sinn Fein and the Republican Movement realizing years ago that it could not win through violence—and the result of the DUP adjusting to the reality that a shared future is the only option and power sharing the only governing option open to them. However, Monday’s breakthrough also came under huge pressure to seize local control of decision-making now—at considerable cost to one’s respective ideals—or lose any hope of it for a long period. Skeptics might say that at 80 Ian Paisley thought of his legacy and a desire to be remembered for securing peace and that for Sinn Fein six weeks delay is nothing in exchange for the positive light on them in advance of elections in the Republic of Ireland where they will also be standing and hope to increase their representation.

For all its important potential, Monday’s historic meeting between Paisley and Adams, quite understandably, did not include a handshake. The challenge in Northern Ireland is to change the historic pattern of relating between the two main political / religious / ethnic blocks. A big step forward has occurred, and a long journey remains. Please continue to pray for politicians, church leaders, community workers, and ordinary people here to move, step by step, away from distrust, exclusion, and violence as together they painstakingly create a shared future of equity, diversity, and inter-dependence.

Faithfully yours,

Doug Baker

The 2007 Mission Yearbook for Prayer & Study, p. 172