February 2000

Dear Friends,

Last month, the South African Parliament passed three key pieces of legislation. These are designed to protect fundamental rights guaranteed under South Africa's new democratic constitution, including broad rights of equality and access to information. The constitution required this legislation to be adopted within three years—by 4 February 2000. So like students with a term paper due, members of Parliament worked through the holidays and late at night to finalize the bills.

As I was sitting in the gallery of the National Assembly—the main house of Parliament—listening to the final debate on one of the bills, a German journalist leaned over to me and asked, "So it's finished now? The transition to democracy is complete?"

I knew what he meant. With the enactment of this legislation, most (but not all) of the legal building blocks of South Africa's new democracy have been put into place. South Africa's constitution, hailed as one of the most enlightened in the world, has prompted a torrent of legislation during the past five years, much of it geared to replacing the racially discriminatory laws and institutions of the apartheid era (1948-1994). In that sense, much has been accomplished.

In fact, this month brought another reminder of just how far South Africa has come. February 2 marked the tenth anniversary of former President FW de Klerk's historic speech in which he announced the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and the release of Nelson Mandela. That speech signalled the beginning of the end for white minority rule. Yet in the tense days of 1990, in the hours prior to De Klerk's address, it was almost unthinkable that within ten years:

• South Africa would be well into its second democratically elected Parliament
• Nelson Mandela would have served a full term as president, then stepped aside to make room for new leadership and to facilitate regional peacemaking initiatives
• the National Party, the architects of apartheid, would still have a visible (albeit greatly reduced) presence in national government—and control of one provincial government
• other figures then antagonistic to the ANC leadership—such as Inkatha leader Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi—would hold key posts in government and co-operate amicably with the ANC
• an independent Truth and Reconciliation Commission would have investigated and reported extensively on human rights abuses over a 35-year period

Having said that, however, my response to the German journalist was, "No. The transition is only just beginning." It may even be stalled. A report published at the end of last year found that between 1991 and 1996, there was a substantial increase in the percentage of income earned by black people in South Africa, but almost all of that growth has occurred among the wealthiest 10 percent of black households. The poorest 40 percent of black households actually saw their income decline by about one-fifth. White per capita income remained nine times that of blacks. Within the last few weeks, another study found that roughly one million jobs have been lost since 1994—this in a society burdened by unemployment rates estimated at 30-40 percent.

South Africa's democratic government has achieved some notable successes in meeting the basic needs of the millions of households systematically impoverished by apartheid. Roughly one quarter of the 12 million people who did not previously have easy access to potable water now have a tap in or near their homes. The introduction of free antenatal health care has been a boon to mothers and children alike, even if resource limitations still mean long lines at clinics.

However, in other areas—such as housing and education—the government has fallen well short of achieving the ambitious targets it set in 1994. While many of the top officials in the police and civil service have been replaced, change has occurred more slowly in the middle and lower ranks. As a result, state institutions are often sluggish in adopting new policies and practices.

The South African Council of Churches and its member denominations are struggling to discern how they can enable people to realize Christ's promise of "life abundant" in this new society. Churches have recognized a need to provide moral leadership and pastoral support at all levels—from local community programs to national policy debates. Nearly four years ago, the South African Council of Churches established a Public Policy Liaison Office in Cape Town, the home of South Africa's Parliament, to lift up the needs and concerns of poor and marginalised people.

Since the office opened, its advocacy work has focussed on legislation. During this time, South Africa's statute books have been revamped to eliminate the racial and gender bias of apartheid-era laws and to create a legal culture that provides equal protection for all. With much of that framework in place, the coming year is likely to see a change of emphasis from legislation to implementation. The challenge now is to ensure that people understand and are able to exercise their rights, that public officials honour those rights, and that government departments execute their responsibilities promptly and fairly. Thus, one of the tasks of our office will be to inform churches about the implications of the new equality and freedom of information laws.

Your faithful support greatly enhances the social witness of South African churches. Please continue to keep South Africa and her people in your prayers.

In peace,

Doug Tilton