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  A letter from Doug Tilton in South Africa  
             
 

April 28, 2004

Dear Friends:

South Africa went to the polls two weeks ago (14 April) for the nation's third democratic elections since the end of apartheid. In contrast with the elections of 1994 and 1999, this year's contest was a tame affair—almost boring. This might not seem a cause for celebration, but it is. Although there were a few tense moment during the campaign—including one candidates' debate that was brought to an early conclusion when tempers flared and the exchange turned into a shouting match—it was a far cry from previous elections, which were marked by threats of imminent political violence. For any new democracy, reaching a point where elections are orderly and routine is a remarkable feat in one brief decade. As Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu said last week, "Most countries degenerate into dictatorships after their first elections. We are disproving that. We are taking it in our stride."

 
             
 

Perhaps you are already familiar with the simple "Prayer for Africa," which is often repeated in South African churches: "God bless Africa. Guard her people, guide her leaders, and grant her peace."

  One measure of South Africa's progress was the changed composition of the corps of foreign observers who came to monitor the election. (There was also a domestic observer network, coordinated by the South African Council of Churches and other civil society organizations, which declared the poll "almost perfect.") In previous elections, the international observers included many people from the established, industrialized democracies of the North who came to assess whether voting was "free and fair" by the standards of their home nations. This time, the majority of the international observers were from African states, many of whom came as much to study South Africa's electoral machinery as to pass judgment on the process. Bodies such as the United Nations, the European Union, and the Commonwealth decided that South Africa no longer needs their seal of approval.  
             
 

Although the election produced no major surprises, there were some significant aspects to the outcome. The ruling African National Congress (ANC) was returned to power with a slightly larger majority (just under 70%), ensuring that Parliament would reelect Thabo Mbeki for a second (and final) term as President. For the first time, the ANC emerged as the most popular party in all nine of South Africa's provinces. In two provinces—the Western Cape (largest city: Cape Town) and KwaZulu-Natal (largest city: Durban), the party does still does not have a clear majority and will need to form a coalition with other parties in order to govern.

In the affluent Western Cape, its partner will be the New National Party (NNP), the successor to the party that introduced the policy of strict racial segregation (apartheid) in the late 1940s. The fact that the ANC and the NNP can contemplate an alliance is evidence of the radical transformation that has taken place within the NNP. But the NNP's attempts to embrace multi-racialism have alienated many of its traditional supporters whilst winning few converts among its former opponents. The party's share of the national vote slipped from 7% in 1999 to less than 2% this time, a result which some see as the beginning of the end for the NNP.

In KwaZulu-Natal, the ANC may need to form a coalition with another former enemy, Chief Buthelezi's Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), in order to govern. However, the relationship between the ANC and the IFP remains tense, so even if a bargain can be struck, it is likely to result in a less stable coalition.

Twelve of the 21 parties contesting the election managed to secure parliamentary seats under South Africa's system of proportional representation, although the nine smallest parties will hold a total of just 43 seats (out of 400). The Independent Democrats (ID), formed last year by former Pan-African Congress MP Patricia de Lille, is the only new party represented in Parliament. De Lille, known for her tireless community work and her outspoken criticism of government policies on HIV/AIDS and defense spending, won more support than some observers expected—the ID secured as many seats as the NNP—but it is too soon to tell if her personal charisma and populist appeal will make the party a lasting political force.

The election also enhanced the role of women in government. De Lille will be one of 131 women (and the only female party leader) in the new Parliament. Eight of South Africa's nine provinces will get new premiers (similar to state governors in the United States) and four of these will be women.

What is all of this likely to mean for ordinary South Africans? The ANC's landslide victory is likely to be interpreted as a vote of confidence in the party's policies, despite the decline in voter turnout from about 89% in 1999 to just over 75% this time. As a result, few observers expect any radical change in the direction.

However, the election campaign served to place poverty and unemployment squarely on the public agenda as the most important problems to be addressed by the new administration. During the campaign, candidates held a series of meetings, known as "imbizos," in local communities. This exposed them directly to the difficulties that many households face in finding jobs and accessing public services and underscored the urgent need to ensure that democracy generates tangible benefits for all South Africans.

This renewed sense of urgency is likely to continue to be balanced by caution in the initiation of new programmes and the allocation of public resources. Without flatly ruling out more radical solutions—such as the guaranteed national income scheme proposed by some church and labour bodies—the government has opted to expand gradually access to targeted social grants (such as the child support grant for poor families), together with a large-scale public works programme intended to create one million short-term jobs. Critics question whether the public works initiative can make a sustained dent in poverty in a nation where more than eight million people are out of work and 22 million live in poverty. If this approach does not yield rapid and dramatic results, the government may yet be compelled to consider more far-reaching forms of poverty relief.

The next five years should also see renewed efforts to combat the HIV/AIDS pandemic. The government recently agreed to make life-prolonging anti-retroviral medication available through the public health system, largely as a result of the sustained public pressure brought to bear by the community-based Treatment Action Campaign. This should help to slow the rate of transmission of the virus (especially mother-to-child transmission) and improve the quality of life for the tenth of the population living with the virus.

Today, South Africa celebrates ten years of democracy. The past ten years have seen significant social change. Public institutions have been completely overhauled to promote transparency and accountability in government. Individuals and organizations have new opportunities to defend their interests and contribute to shaping public policy. South Africa's Constitution guarantees all citizens equal protection under the law. More and more South Africans see themselves as working towards a common future.

Important strides have also been made in realizing the socio-economic rights articulated in the Constitution—the rights to housing, health care, education, food, water, and social security. But progress in this regard has been more ambiguous. For instance, the assessment of user fees for basic services such as water and electricity have prevented many households from taking advantage of newly available services. Wealth and productive assets, such as land, remain largely in the control of a small proportion of the population. If South Africa's first decade of democracy has been about entrenching "negative" liberties—freedom from oppression, violence and discrimination—its next decade must be about enabling all South Africans to enjoy the freedom to meet their needs and build sustainable livelihoods for themselves and their families.

Please uphold South Africa's government and people in prayer as the nation decides how it will continue on the long road to lasting freedom. Perhaps you are already familiar with the simple "Prayer for Africa," which is often repeated in South African churches: "God bless Africa. Guard her people, guide her leaders, and grant her peace."

Grace and peace,

Doug Tilton

The 2004 Mission Yearbook for Prayer & Study, p. 61

 
             
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