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Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA)
What is it?
What's new?
Action on CAFTA
Rationale for GA Action and Additional Background
Salvadoran perspective on CAFTA

Educational resources

What is CAFTA?
The U.S.-Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) is a free trade
agreement between the U.S. and the five Central American nations of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. CAFTA is an extension of the same policies put forward in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The implementation of CAFTA is seen key by the Bush administration and multinational corporations in obtaining the Free Trade Areas of the Americas (FTAA), which would cover all the countries in the Western Hemisphere, except Cuba. CAFTA is closely linked to the Plan Puebla Panama (PPP), a 10-year long, multi billion dollar mega development project that will construct physical and industrial infrastructure throughout the region. Civil society groups in Mexico and Central America see the PPP as paving the way for CAFTA and FTAA. These groups have protested the PPP because of the devastating impact that it will have on the environment, indigenous communities, and local economies.

For the government's explanation, see U.S. Trade Representative site about CAFTA Go...

Read the 2004 General Assembly's Action on CAFTA below

What's New?

Missed Deadline for Start of CAFTA
News reports indicate that several of the CAFTA countries’ parliaments – confronted by the reality of having to make far-reaching changes to public health and other domestic laws required – are reluctant to implement the deal. [Read the entire press release
]


General Assembly Endorses Action on the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA)

That the 216th General Assembly (2004) of the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) do the following:

1. Declare our opposition to the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) in its current form, as it fails to adequately protect workers' rights, human rights, food security, and environmental standards, and it limits the ability of governments and sovereign indigenous peoples to regulate corporations to protect the common good.

2. Direct the Stated Clerk to communicate with the president of the United States and members of Congress the opposition of the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) to the Central American Free Trade Agreement and other free trade agreements.

3. Direct the General Assembly Council, through the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) programs dealing with economic justice, hunger, and advocacy, to promptly communicate the General Assembly position to the U.S. trade representative, U.S. senators and representatives, congressional committees with trade jurisdiction, and state legislators, with emphasis on those sections of CAFTA and other free trade agreements that negatively affect our partners.

4. Request the General Assembly Council to identify sisters and brothers and institutional partners who have been impacted by free trade policies, and help interpret these stories and effects to church members through itineration in the U.S. and inclusion of these into a congregational study guide on trade issues and economic globalization.

5. Direct the Committee on Mission Responsibility Through Investment (MRTI) to explore the implications of CAFTA and other free trade agreements and advise the General Assembly.

6. Call on presbyteries, churches, and church members to do the following:

a. Become educated about how CAFTA, and other free trade agreements, can further economic globalization policies that are unsustainable and unjust, by drawing on the resources of the Presbyterian Hunger Program, the Presbyterian Washington Office, and other offices of the National and Congregational Ministries Divisions.

b. Advocate with state legislators and U.S. senators and representatives, urging them to oppose CAFTA and other free trade agreements in their current form.

c. Join in coalitions with community and nonprofit groups, including other Christian denominations, which are organizing opposition to CAFTA and other free trade agreements with similar provisions.

Rationale from Commissioners' Resolution for G.A. Action on the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA)

In 2003, numerous religious, humanitarian, development, labor, and public policy organizations called on the United States to honor a set of standards of fairness and justice in trade negotiations with Central America.1 CAFTA, as negotiated, will harm, rather than help, farmers and workers in Central America who are struggling to overcome poverty. We believe as well that CAFTA will not benefit ordinary people in the United States. The CAFTA will not contribute to equitable, just, and sustainable development in the United States or Central America.

The following impacts would occur in Central American countries and in the United States:

1. Central American Countries

a. Destroy subsistence farming.

b. Create a threat to food security.

c. Create inadequate environmental protections.

d. Cause negative impact on fair trade enterprises and cooperatives.

e. Erode essential services.

f. Create loss of national sovereignty.

2. United States

a. Increase forced migration of people from Central America to the United States.

b. Increase militarization of the border between Mexico and the United States.

c. Export additional jobs from the United States.

The Central America Free Trade Agreement builds on the foundation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which went into effect in 1994. Ten years of NAFTA are indicative of some of what can be expected under CAFTA. Additional information is available online at www.citizenstrade.org, which includes signatures from forty-eight organizations, including the PC(USA) Washington Office.

  1. Under NAFTA, more than a million Mexican farmers and their families have had to abandon their land and livelihood because they are unable to compete with subsidized food crops from the United States. They migrate to cities, where jobs are scarce and wages low, or migrate to the United States, through dangerous border crossings.
  2. Between 1994 and 2003, the percentage of the Mexican population living in poverty rose from 58 to 79 percent. This represents a 36 percent increase in the poverty suffered. For women-headed households, poverty increased by 50 percent. Increasing poverty both arises out of, and leads to, lower wages, sweatshop conditions, deterioration of health, increased marginalization, and instability.
  3. Food security has been threatened by the export to Mexico of subsidized corporate foodstuffs from the U.S. and Canada, undercutting local producers in Mexico.
  4. Threats to the environment have increased as industrialized agriculture has replaced small farms, and export-driven economic growth has led to over-use of natural resources. Dumping of hazardous wastes near factories has caused birth defects in children and other illnesses.
  5. Foreign corporations have been allowed to bring lawsuits against governments that pass labor, public health, or environmental laws that reduce corporate profits.

In addition, the Central American Free Trade Agreement:

  1. does not include adequate enforcement for violations of internationally recognized labor and environmental standards;
  2. threatens essential services, in that it promotes privatization and deregulation of services including education, health care, postal service, construction, energy, transportation, and water supply;
  3. specifically discriminates against products of nongovernment organizations and producer cooperatives. This would include fair-trade enterprises such as Equal Exchange and Just Coffee, which provide a living wage to farmers and producers.

The trade agreement was not negotiated within a framework of democratic accountability and did not include broad-based citizen participation. The text was only made public after the negotiations were completed. There were no social reviews or impact assessments by independent bodies on the potential impact of CAFTA on workers, people living in poverty, women, indigenous and ethnic groups, or the environment. The CID Initiative, a Central American coalition that participated in a side room of the negotiations, called for a moratorium mid-way through the process, due to the limited participation.

WORKER RIGHTS: The agreement merely states, “[a] Party shall not fail to effectively enforce its labor laws, through a sustained or recurring course of action or inaction, in a manner affecting trade between the Parties.”2 For countries where labor violations are egregious and systemic, this clause is insufficient to guarantee protection of workers’ rights. Although fines may be levied against a trading partner, the money collected is not required to be used to remedy the labor rights violation, but is designated vaguely for “appropriate” labor initiatives. Suitable labor initiatives are never defined. The CAFTA allows a trading partner to re-impose import duties if the violating government does not pay the fine, but not for failure to correct the labor rights violation. The labor provision in CAFTA will also replace the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP), which includes a petition process, leading to the loss of a useful, if modest enforcement mechanism. Finally, no protection systems are established for rural or urban workers adversely affected by the trade agreement.

AGRICULTURE: Central American countries will be required to eliminate import tariffs on rice, beans, yellow corn, and dairy products, staple products on which the livelihoods of 5.5 million small and medium producers depend. The U.S. refused to negotiate the agricultural subsidies and supports it provides that enable U.S. agribusinesses to export goods at below the costs of production, undermining Central American farmers. Without the compensating protection of tariffs, Central America’s doors will be opened to the dumping of U.S. farm products, risking massive displacement of rural workers and increased food insecurity in Central America.

TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE & THE RIGHT TO ACCESS TO MEDICINE: CAFTA provisions on intellectual property threaten to place HIV/AIDS treatment beyond the reach of many Central Americans in need. CAFTA provides for expanded patent rights for brand-name medicines and new restrictions on using inexpensive generic versions. This will drive up the cost of lifesaving drugs, and delay or obstruct generic competition. It will become almost impossible for Central Americans to acquire affordable medicines for HIV/AIDS and other diseases. In addition, CAFTA will place restrictions on Central America farmers’ ability to use and save certain seeds, undermining traditional agricultural practices. The CAFTA goes beyond World Trade Organization (WTO) regulations, and violates the spirit of the Doha Agreement and the Convention on Biodiversity.

INVESTMENT RULES: Under CAFTA, national development needs will be secondary to the rights of foreign investors. A USTR fact sheet on free trade with Central America states that U.S. investors will enjoy “in almost all circumstances the right to establish, acquire and operate investments in Central American countries on an equal footing with local investors, and with investors of other countries.”3 Accordingly, governments will not be able to harness foreign investment for economic development strategies that promote domestically oriented growth or support new domestic industries. “Furthermore, CAFTA includes NAFTA-like investor-to-state lawsuits, which will allow corporations to sue governments over regulations that they believe infringe on their business interests.” Finally, investors do not have binding responsibility to comply with International Labor Organization (ILO) standards.

ESSENTIAL PUBLIC SERVICES: CAFTA negotiators did not exempt essential public services from the national treatment standards. Governments will lose the flexibility to subsidize these services and guarantee adequate provision of these services to citizens.

As Presbyterians, we affirm the right of all people to meet their basic needs, including enough food, clean water, housing, healthcare, and education, all of which presuppose a living wage. We affirm the right of farmers to make an adequate living on their lands, and of local businesses to succeed without the threat of competition of large foreign corporations. We affirm the rights of nations to set their own standards for labor, public health, and the environment, without the threat of lawsuits by corporations. We support trade that is fair. We therefore stand in opposition to the Central American Free Trade Agreement.

Endnotes

1. These standards were expressed in two documents: “Principles of Unity on Trade with Central America,” October 2003, and “Equitable Trade and Central America: Does CAFTA Measure Up?,” July 2003.

2. See http://www.ustr.gov/new/fta/Cafta/text/index.htm).

3. See http://www.ustr.gov/new/fta/Cafta/2003-12-17-factsheet.pdf

10 Reasons to Say No to CAFTA? (PDF, Adapted from CISPES)

CAFTA’s Debt Trap
Buried in the technical language of the CAFTA agreement are rules that would make it more difficult for the six nations that have signed the trade deal with the United States to escape heavy debt burdens or to prevent or recover from debt crises. [Read article online or download printer-friendly pdf version]
Written by FPIF policy analyst, Aldo Caliari, Coordinator of the Rethinking Bretton Woods Project a the Center of Concern.

Joint Statement on CAFTA by the Bishops' Secretariat of Central America (SEDAC) and the Chairmen of the Domestic and International Policy Committees of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB)

CAFTA Draft Text
The draft text of the Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) has been released by the Office of the US Trade Representative
Go...

  • CAFTA Negotiations End: More Poverty, Less Development
    December 22, 2003 Analysis from Oxfam USA. Go...
  • Administration Reaches Accord On Free Trade with Central American countries, minus Costa Rica. Dec. 18, 2003 - House struggle expected early in 2004. (If you haven't already registered to view the Post online, there is a short form to fill out) Go...

Additional Background (thanks to NISGUA):
Negotiations for CAFTA began in January and have continued on a monthly basis. CAFTA is the extension of the core principles of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) to the Central American countries of Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. The disastrous effects of NAFTA on both Mexican and U.S. workers has been conclusively documented, and now the Bush administration wants to extend this devastation throughout Central America. CAFTA will have a particularly negative impact on small farmers in Central America. If these small-scale producers are forced to compete with heavily subsidized, corporate dominated U.S. agriculture, the rural economies of Central America, already reeling from years of depressed coffee prices, will collapse. And as we have seen from NAFTA, CAFTA will do little to help small farmers in the U.S.

While many concerns about the content of this treaty have been raised by civil society throughout the United States and Central America, and by legislators in all six countries, the Bush administration, in similar fashion to its response to the popular movement against the Iraq war, is choosing to ignore the demands of the majority in favor of meeting their own narrow, self-interested agenda.

There are several themes that are of concern with CAFTA, and many of these concerns are also present with ongoing debates on the Free Trade Areas of the Americas (FTAA) and the recently signed Free Trade Agreement with Chile.

Transparency: Despite widespread protest, there has been little or no input from civil society during the course of the CAFTA negotiations. In fact, even many members of the US Congress have not heard about it, and many of those that have heard about it have not seen any of the text of the agreement.

Labor Rights: One of the biggest concerns with this agreement is the devastating effects it will have upon worker rights in both Central America and the United States. In April the House Democratic leadership wrote to the Bush administration declaring that CAFTA needed to have stronger labor rights provisions than the recently signed Chile-US Free Trade Agreement. Yet, the Bush administration apparently ignored them by tabling a labor provision identical to the Chile FTA during the fourth round of CAFTA negotiations in Guatemala in May. In the "race to the bottom," only those who are willing to work for the least amount and under the worst conditions will have a slim shot at survival. Since NAFTA, more than 700,000 decent paying jobs have been lost in the U.S.

Agriculture: One of the other greatest concerns about CAFTA is the negative effect that it will have on the agricultural sector in Central America. One needs only to examine the devastating effects of NAFTA on agriculture in both the United States and in Mexico to understand the effects it will have throughout Central America. Since NAFTA took effect in 1994, millions of peasant farmers have been driven off the land and the percentage of the Mexican population living in poverty has risen from 58% to 79%.

Corporate Privilege: In its infamous "Chapter 11" clause, NAFTA established the right of companies to sue governments over public-interest laws that may limit their profits. In CAFTA, this "right" will be extended to all of Central America and will strengthen corporate power at the expense of local governance. The following example from NAFTA is particularly compelling:

In 1999, Methanex, a Canadian corporation that produces methanol, sued the U.S. government for $970 million after California banned the substance. Even though studies confirmed that leakages into ground water were causing cancer, under NAFTA's Chapter 11, Methanex could sue for lost profits. If Methanex wins, American taxpayers will be forced to pay the corporation $970 million for the right of California lawmakers to protect the very health of its own citizens (globalexchange.org).

Public Services: Another important concern with CAFTA is that it will establish rules that will make it impossible for governments in Central America (and the U.S.) to give preferences to public providers for services. There is widespread opposition to the further privatization of energy services, water services, health and education throughout North and Central America, and CAFTA will only continue to ignore such protest.

A Perspective on CAFTA from El Salvador
From SHARE Foundation: Building a New El Salvador Today

El Salvador is similar to the other nations of Central America in that it has no agricultural policy to speak of. The few who control most wealth in El Salvador have embraced “free market” oriented economic policies. As faithful followers of the “neo-liberal” model, they have privatized the banks, eliminated the agricultural development bank and are shifting resources away from the traditional agricultural products of the nation: coffee, cotton and sugar, and have established import companies in their place. The imports are televisions, refrigerators, automobiles and now even basic grains. The fact that few Salvadoran families can afford imported products is offset by family remittances (money sent back by Salvadorans living abroad). There are over 1 ½ million Salvadorans living in the United States and one in every four Salvadorans lives outside the country. However, an economy based on remittances and imports is highly unstable and the loss of food self-sufficiency puts the very sovereignty of a nation at risk.

The tendency towards privatizations, a dependency on imports and increased immigration that began with the implementation of the neo-liberal model a decade and a half ago, will only worsen if CAFTA is approved by regional governments and the U.S. Congress early next year.
To read more Go
...

Winners and Losers in El Salvador: A Window on Our Future -
Report of the October 2003 El Salvador Reality Tour
A new report based on a delegation tour by PICA (a Presbyterian Hunger Program grantee for its work promoting SweatFree) that explores the social and economic effects of free trade on El Salvador and its people. Destructive trends witnessed in El Salvador are compared with economic developments in the U.S. (PDF; 315KB) Go...

FTAA/CAFTA UPDATE - FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF)
For more information, contact Kris Torgeson: +1 212-655-3764 or +1 917-913-0183

Provisions in CAFTA Restrict Access to Medicines Latin American and Caribbean Countries Urged Not to Include Such Provisions in FTAA

New York, February 3, 2004 - As 34 Latin American and Caribbean countries gather in Puebla, Mexico, to resume negotiations of the Free Trade Areas of the Americas (FTAA), the international humanitarian medical organization Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) continues to call on countries to make public health a priority and insist that intellectual property provisions be excluded from the FTAA agreement. The new round of FTAA negotiations comes days after the final text of the US-Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) was made public, confirming fears that higher levels of intellectual property protection will restrict access to medicines in the region.

Under CAFTA, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua will be obliged to extend pharmaceutical patent terms beyond the 20 years required in World Trade Organization (WTO) rules; prevent the marketing approval of generic medicines if a patented version of the product is registered; and grant additional exclusive marketing rights by prohibiting drug regulatory agencies to use original pharmaceutical test data for the registration of generic medicines, a restriction referred to as "data exclusivity." These same provisions, all of which exceed WTO standards, are in the draft FTAA agreement, and will severely restrict or block generic competition, the only proven mechanism for reducing the prices of medicines.

Provisions related to marketing authorization are particularly worrisome. For instance, if an existing AIDS drug is not registered in one of the five CAFTA countries because the manufacturer has no interest in the market, under CAFTA, registration of generics would be prevented for five years, even if the drug is not patented, and until the end of the patent term if it is. Unlike with patents, which authorities can redress through compulsory licensing, there is no recourse to provisions restricting marketing authorization.

"People with HIV/AIDS in Central America do not have five years or more to wait for affordable AIDS drugs to become available," said Antonio Girona, Head of Mission for MSF's AIDS treatment program in Honduras. "Thousands are dying now, and many will die within one or two years of first developing symptoms of AIDS."

The outcome of CAFTA negotiations shows that, when negotiating with the US bilaterally or in small groups, countries are likely to agree to stringent intellectual property provisions that exceed international standards. MSF urges other countries in the Americas not to agree to such overly restrictive measures in the FTAA or in other bilateral or plurilateral agreements.

"CAFTA negotiators have given in to US pressure and failed their people by agreeing to measures that place profits above people's lives," said Rachel Cohen, US Director of MSF's Campaign for Access to Essential Medicines. "FTAA negotiators must not follow suit. The only way for countries in the FTAA region to uphold their obligation to protect public health is to refuse to negotiate intellectual property provisions altogether."

EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES

1) Enough for Everyone's Coffee Project and Sweat-Free T

2) PHP's Food and Faith: Global Food Systems

3) Globalization and Trade Study Papers
from PC(USA)'s Advisory Committee on Social Witness Policy (ACSWP)

The ACSWP has developed a series of four study papers on globalization and trade issues impacting the church and the world as the new millennium dawns. They serve as a basis for the development of a Resolution anticipated for the 216th General Assembly (2004). They are the following:

  • “The Globalization of Economic Life: Challenge to the Church” by Gordon Douglass. (available through PDS)
  • “The Employment Effects of Free Trade and Globalization” by Pharis Harvey. (available through PDS)
  • “The Impact of Globalization on Environment” by Bob Stivers
  • “Cultural Aspects of the Globalization of the Economy” by Ruy O. Costa

4) Global Discipleship CD
This free CD-ROM (PC and Mac compatible) from the Presbyterian Hunger Program is intended for use in your congregation's high school and adult study classes to learn more about our roles as Christians in a global economy.
Go to the PC(USA) Marketplace and in the search field enter the words - global discipleship.

5) FTAA for Beginner's Workshop from United for a Fair Economy Go...

6) ACTION TOOLS: Take Action Against Unfair Trade from Witness for Peace Go...

BACKGROUND DOCUMENTS

The "Green" Promises of CAFTA Go...

MAKING GLOBAL TRADE WORK for People
UN Development Programme
This report presents a far reaching reassessment of the current multilateral trade regime and examines how it can be improved in order to contribute genuinely to human development Go...

Your reactions and ideas are encouraged. Please email or call (888) 728-7228 x5388.

 

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