The Conflict in Sri Lanka
The conflict in Sri Lanka has been raging in varying degrees
of intensity for more than fifteen years (since 1983). While
other entrenched conflicts in places like South Africa, Northern
Ireland and the Middle East have experienced breakthroughs and
partial resolutions at least, Sri Lanka has become one of the
more intractable wars in the post-colonial era. It is a war
that plays off to the side of the world stage, with relatively
little interest from the international community, including
the U.S.
Recent presidential elections have returned Chandrika Kuaratunga
to office for another six-year term. Norway has emerged as a
third party go-between, only the third attempt so far by an
outside agent, yet there are few signs of hope for an early
resolution. With the Norway initiative, and the growing preoccupation
with global terrorism, the U.S. has begun to dip its toe a bit
deeper into Sri Lanka's affairs. This has the possibility of
being constructive if handled properly or if not, it may merely
prolong the suffering of Sri Lanka's people.
Background
Sri Lanka's troubles are rooted primarily in practices of its
former colonial power and the subsequent discriminatory policies
of the post-colonial majority Sinhalese government. An island
nation off the southeast tip of India, Sri Lanka received independence
from Britain in 1948. Its population is composed of mostly Sinhalese
(74 percent), Tamils 18.1 percent), and Muslims (7.1 percent).
The Sinhalese are mainly Buddhist while the Tamils are Hindu.
Under British, the Tamils were disproportionately favored in
terms of education and job opportunities, so that at independence
they were represented in large numbers in the civil service
in contrast to the majority population. There was an immediate
attempt to redress this situation by instituting policies that
favored Sinhalese.
Sinhales politicians and a powerful Buddhist clergy pushed
through policies that established Sinhalese as the national
language, and set quotas in the education system which discriminated
against Tamils. Development policies resettled Sinhalese farmers
on land considered by Tamils as their territory. Gradually the
Tamils felt themselves pushed to the margins of political life
and society.
Frustrated with the political process which seemed rigged against
them, Tamil youth formed armed groups to fight for their rights.
The group which emerged as the most efficient and which is now
locked in battle against the Sri Lanka government's forces is
the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, LTTE, led by the charismatic
and reclusive Velupillai Prabakharan. The Tigers are fighting
for Tamil Eelam, a separate Tamil state made up of the northern
and eastern sectors of the island. They are well organized,
well armed and highly motivated.
Although religion is a factor, most Sri Lankans see this as
an ethnic, not a religious conflict.
Sri Lanka has long been upheld as an example of a developing
country with good social indicators such as life expectancy,
literacy, education and health. However, social indicators have
improved in Sri Lanka more slowly than in many other countries
of Asia, and are slipping in some cases. Overall, figures mask
wide disparities within ethnic and regional groups. It is very
difficult to make reliable estimates in the parts of the country
that suffer the worst effects of the civil war, namely the north
and east. These figures rarely highlight the devastating impact
of the war on demography, health, education and housing.
The "No Mercy War"
The International Committee of the Red Cross has called the
conflict in Sri Lanka a "No Mercy War." It is a war
that takes few prisoners, with a high toll in civilian casualties
and suffering. Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, which
applies to "armed conflict not of an international character,"
establishes the minimum standards of humanitarian law that the
parties to the conflict are bound to apply. Although the government
of Sri Lanka is a party to the Geneva Conventions and the LTTE
has expressed its commitment to respect them, neither side adheres
to them. Both sides are guilty of torture, illegal detention,
disappearances and extra judicial execution. There are few prisoners
taken, and the numbers of dead are difficult to assess due to
a lack of access to the conflict areas. No independent journalists
are allowed into the areas, and the government imposes censorship
on war reporting. The LTTE controls all news in areas under
its control.
It is estimated that 100,000 mainly Tamil civilians have become
internally displaced, some of them three and four times, during
the course of the war. They are unfortunate pawns of both warring
parties. The issue of food and medicine to the displaced and
to civilians in the conflict areas and in areas controlled by
the LTTE has long been a volatile one, with the government imposing
heavy restrictions on items allowed. Aid agencies walk a tight
line between voicing their protest at such restrictions on items
allowed. Aid agencies walk a tight line between voicing their
protest at such restrictions (which are against international
law) and risking being denied permission to work at all.
Lack of Political Will
Since independence, Sri Lanka has been ruled by one of two
main Sinhalese political parties. The intense rivalry between
these two parties has been one of the main obstacles to a peaceful
settlement with the LTTE. And the LTTE is unwilling to go into
negotiations with only one party because any settlement that
might be reached could simply be undone when the other party
comes into power. Therefore, the two political parties must
be able to come to a consensus themselves before they can move
forward with any sort of peace process. Until now, each party
has not been able or willing to rise above its obsession with
maintaining or regaining power to do work with its rival in
the interest of achieving peace for the country. After the presidential
elections, however, the opposition UNP (united National Party)
has agreed to support the PA (People's Assembly) government's
proposals for constitutional changes, which form the core of
its offer to resolve the grievances of the Tamil people. The
sincerity of the UNP's commitment must now be demonstrated.
Civil Society and the Religious Community
Churches have played a disproportionate role in providing relief
to civilians and displaced people in the areas of conflict.
Because Christianity is the only religion which includes both
Sinhalese and Tamils in its membership, it has sometimes been
able to bridge the divide. There have been a number of interfaith
initiatives, including a delegation that traveled to the Vanni
in the north last year to meet with leaders of the LTTE in an
effort to open a dialogue.
A growing movement has developed within civil society that
opposes the military solution and is working to create a momentum
for peace. This movement is also trying to find ways to counter
the increasing level of violence within society as a result
of the war. Surveys of the population indicate that a significant
percentage of the Sinhalese population does not believe the
war can be won on the battlefield. Increasingly, it is in favor
of resolving the conflict through peaceful negotiations and
thee is more acceptance of the idea that some form of third
party assistance will be necessary. Recent demonstrations for
peace have brought together thousands of Sri Lankans from all
ethnic groups.
The Norway Initiatives
Presidential elections held in December returned Chandrika
Kumaratunga to the presidency for another term. The elections
were marred by violence and two serious bomb attacks at election
rallies just ballot resulted in loss of life. Kumaratunga escaped
a suicide bomb attack that left her without sight in one eye.
Since both parties campaigned on a platform of bringing peace
to the country, the leader of the opposition UNP is now at least
partly bound to prove his commitment by agreeing to work together
with the government for a solution to the war.
At the same time, Norway's efforts to facilitate between the
warring parties emerged as another sign of hope. In February,
the Norwegian foreign minister traveled to Colombo to hold talks
with the government, the UNP and the Tamil parties, after meeting
with the LTTE's main negotiator in London. While nothing has
been achieved so far, one of the snags had been simply to find
a third party that would be accepted by both the Sri Lanka government
and the LTTE. Now that one country has accepted the high level
of risk associated with mediating the conflict, other concerned
countries ought to form some kind of official support group
around Norway.
U.S. Policy
The Administration has traditionally had a hands-off policy
toward the troubles in Sri Lanka, while maintaining that it
supports a negotiated political settlement protecting the rights
of minorities and guaranteeing equal rights for all of Sri Lanka's
citizens. While critical of the government's bad human rights
record, it has stopped short of voicing this too strongly in
public. With the designation of the LTTE as a terrorist organization,
the U.S. has also moved more openly to support the government's
policies.
Last year on a visit to the country, Assistant Secretary for
South Asia Karl Inderfurth expressed the U.S.' willingness to
facilitate talks, if it were asked to do so by the government
While a clear shift from previous statements, it maintains a
passive role for the U.S. for the moment.
One role the U.S. could take on effectively is to work with
a group of interested countries to assist the Sri Lanka government
and the LTTE at the negotiating table and to serve as guarantors
of any settlement reached. Trust is a key ingredient in any
peace process, and in order to gain that trust, the assisting
parties must demonstrate a commitment for the long haul, not
just for the more interesting period of actual negotiations
and official settlements.
For the success of any negotiations, a more important factor,
one based on previous failed attempts at negotiations, is the
question of preparedness of the negotiators: Do they have the
necessary skills at negotiation for talks to have a chance of
success? Neither the government nor the LTTE have exhibited
such skills in the past. The U.S. and other governments should
not lose sight of this important fact in a sudden hurry to get
negotiations going. They ought to urge both parties to prepare
carefully by training in negotiation and by encouraging a slow
step-by-step process to the talks.
While recognizing small improvements in the human rights record
of the government, the U.S. must also continue to raise the
issues of impunity, torture, freedom of the press, and provision
of medical care to the displaced Tamils. Unless consistent pressure
is brought to bear on the government, it is unlikely to make
efforts to change. Although Sri Lanka plays such a small part
in U.S. about Sri Lanka carry tremendous weight in the country
itself and in the Sri Lankan media.
Unfortunately, with the sale of military equipment worth over
$30 million and joint military exercises that include the U.S.
Navy SEAL team and Air Force Special Operation Squadron, the
Sri Lankan Navy and Air Force, the U.S. appears to be stepping
up its assistance to Sri Lanka's armed forces. The question
of military assistance should simply not be on the table in
a prolonged conflict that cannot and never will be solved militarily.
Sri Lanka's troubles will only be solved through a political
settlement that guarantees the fundamental freedom and human
dignity of all Sri Lanka's citizens, regardless of their ethnic
or religious identity. The U.S. needs to encourage the government
in that direction while discouraging the military option.
Suggested Actions
Write your Representatives and Senators, asking them to encourage
the U.S. Administration to play a positive role in the negotiated
settlement between warring factions in Sri Lanka. A sample letter
is presented at right; it is suggested that you personalize
this letter.
GA
The 211th General Assembly stated:
"Sri Lanka, with a long history of communal and religious
strife, has been ravaged since 1983 by a complex civil war involving
multiple interests, four religious communities, and major ethnic
differences
The conflict has had horrendous impact on the peoples of Sri
Lanka, including the deaths of more than 55,000 people and the
displacement of over 857,000, with devastating consequences
for children, over 900,000 of whom have been directly or indirectly
affected, including many who have been orphaned.
Children, as many of those in Sri Lanka, are the most vulnerable
victims in societies devastated by war, caught in the cycles
of poverty and social disruption; often exploited through child
labor and caught in trafficking for commercial sexual prostitution
and pornography; and, whether orphaned or kidnapped, sold through
adoption brokers."
The 211th GA requests that the U.S. "government, through
all appropriate diplomatic means, to seek the end of the civil
war, the resolution of communal differences, and the recognition
of the legitimate rights of all parties involve. Further, it
"urges the United States government to lend all its energies
to the world campaign to end the commercial sexual exploitation
of children and the illegal sale of children
and in this
context seek to cooperate with appropriate regional and national
efforts in Sri Lanka."
Sample Letter
Dear Representative/Senator:
I am writing out of concern for the bloody conflict that has
been going on for more than 15 years in Sri Lanka. Because it
lacks the strategic importance of other countries, it has been
largely ignored in our foreign policy. But the suffering of
the people has been no less severe.
The U.S. could play a constructive role in helping to bring
about a negotiated settlement to the conflict. Giving military
assistance undermines an emphasis to solve the conflict by political
means, something for which the U.S. administration has specifically
expressed support.
I urge you to encourage the U.S. Administration to pressure
the Sri Lanka government to end its military campaign and to
pursue negotiations for a political solution with the LTTE (Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam). While rightly condemning terrorist acts
committed by the LTTE, the U.S. must also speak out against
human rights abuses by the Sri Lanka security forces, and call
for an end to impunity.
The U.S. should join with other concerned countries to offer
support to Norway as it begins the difficult path of assisting
the Sri Lanka government and the LTTE in talks to bring about
a just settlement of this conflict. Sri Lanka was once a model
developing country with a bright future. It cannot reclaim this
future until the war is brought to an end and the rights of
all Sri Lankans are equally guaranteed.
Written by the Asia Pacific Center for Justice and Peace.
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