| Over the last decade, security
issues for the United States have changed dramatically. With the
fall of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War many have
felt that the threat of nuclear annihilation was slowly becoming
obsolete. However, some experts believe that the possibility of
a nuclear device being used against the United States is higher
today than during the Cold War. Though the threat may
have risen, policies that could help reduce the nuclear danger
are being dismissed. A global system of nuclear restraints and
agreements is being seriously weakened by the current Administration’s
policies toward preemptive nuclear strikes, and its pursuit
of “usable” nuclear weapons.
The United States has criticized Iran and North Korea for
their nuclear weapons programs and has expressed concerns about
the nuclear programs in Pakistan and India. There is also the
growing fear that nuclear materials could fall into the hands
of a terrorist group, such as al Qaeda. But U.S. research and
development of “usable” nuclear weapons not only
undermines U.S. demands that these countries not seek to acquire
nuclear weapons, it also destabilizes the international system
of nuclear nonproliferation.
Rather than seeking new uses for nuclear weapons, the U.S.
should commit to its obligations under the nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty (NPT), reduce reliance on nuclear weapons, and pursue
global disarmament. The new Bush Administration nuclear posture
is a major step backward for security and disarmament and is
leading to increasing instability.
Funding Bunker Busters and Mini-Nukes
While the Administration claims that the Robust Nuclear Earth
Penetrator (RNEP or “bunker buster ”) program is
simply a study, Energy Department budget documents show that
funding demands for RNEP increase dramatically after this year.
The initial three-year study was to cost $45 million, but the
Administration’s proposed spending in the next five years
would total nearly $500 million and move RNEP into early development
and engineering stages.*
This year the Administration requested $27.6 million for the
design of the RNEP — an increase of $12.6 million from
last year’s request and $20.1 million more than the FY2004
amount appropriated by Congress.* (DOE received $15 million
for FY2003 and $7.5 million for FY2004.)
These bunker busters are not low-yield nuclear weapons. They
are 70 times more powerful than the bomb that was dropped on
Hiroshima. They would be designed to burrow into the ground
and destroy underground military facilities that are protected
by 100 to 300 feet of reinforced concrete or rock. Proponents
of the project claim that it would be a “clean”
nuclear weapon because it would detonate underground rather
than on the surface. It is, in fact, a very deadly weapon that
could kill tens of thousands of people if detonated in an urban
setting.
As well as funding the bunker busters, the Administration
has requested an increase of $3 million for the Advanced Concepts
Initia- tive (from $6 million in FY2004 to $9 million in FY2005).*
This program divides money between the three weapons laboratories
to conduct studies on advanced concepts, ranging from modifications
of existing weapons to the exploration of new nuclear weapons’
technologies and weapons for new missions.
The Administration has also requested $30 million to reduce
to 18 months the time needed to prepare the Nevada Test Site
(from the current three years). As do the other programs, this
reduction in time needed before nuclear testing can be done
signals to the world that the U.S. is scaling up its own nuclear
activities and undermining the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
(NPT), ultimately leading to instability, not security.
(From the Energy
Department
)
What We Can Do
Last year, in a big victory for disarmament, conferees for
the energy and water appropriations bill cut half the funds
for the nuclear bunker buster (down to $7.5 million). Unfortunately,
the conferees fully funded $6 million requested by the President
for advanced nuclear weapons concepts. ($4 million is unavailable
until the Energy Department submits details on future nuclear
reductions to Congress.)
Conferees for the Defense Authorization bill (HR 1588) chose
to repeal the Spratt-Furse ban on low-yield nuclear weapons
(the House version modified the ban instead of repealing it).
While the final bill authorizes research into low-yield nuclear
weapons, it prohibits the Energy Department from development
work that may lead to their production. Thus, the ban on research
and development was lost, but a new hurdle was enacted. A similar
ban on development was imposed on the RNEP, or nuclear bunker
buster.
While relatively small, these reductions are a significant
political victory, given the current political climate. It will
take several more years of congressional funding before these
systems can be deployed. There are still opportunities to stop
these new nuclear weapons from being developed. Opposition is
growing.
Your Members of Congress will soon consider funding for new
nuclear weapons and preparations for the resumption of nuclear
testing. Please write to them and urge them to oppose funding
for the Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator, Advanced Nuclear Weapons
Concepts and nuclear test site readiness. Emphasize that the
development of new nuclear weapons will undermine international
efforts to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and will lead
to major spending if implemented.
For a sample letter and information on your Members of Congress,
please go to our action alert at the Presbyterian
Leglislative Action Center.
New Landmines Policy
The Bush Administration has announced a new landmines policy
that is a complete about-face on landmines policy and essentially
drops the goal of eventually joining the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty.
In 1994, the United States was the first nation to call for
the “eventual elimination” of all antipersonnel
landmines. But the Administration’s new landmines policy
discards what has been official U.S. policy since 1998 —
to give up the use of all antipersonnel mines and join the Mine
Ban Treaty by 2006 if landmine alternatives are in place.
The new policy does call for the destruction of older, “dumb”
landmines, but not until four years after the previous deadline.
And, in what human rights groups are calling the most disturbing
aspect of this new policy, the Administration is maintaining
the right to use self-deactivating or self-destructing antipersonnel
(AP) “smart” landmines indefinitely.
While smart mines are somewhat better than dumb ones —
as they are supposed to self- destruct or deactivate after a
certain amount of time — they still put civilians and
our own forces at risk. These smart mines are most often scattered
from the air by the thousands. It is very difficult to make
a clear map of where the mines are. De-mining teams have to
treat smart minefields in the same way they treat dumb minefields
because of potential malfunctioning of the mines or bad intelligence.
According to Human Rights Watch, the United States has not
actually used antipersonnel mines since the 1991 Gulf War, has
not exported them since 1992, and has not produced them since
1997. In addition, it has eliminated more than three million
stockpiled antipersonnel mines, and has provided more funding
for mine clearance, mine risk education and mine victim assistance
than any other single nation.
Stephen Goose, executive director of the Arms Division of
Human Rights Watch, stated: “The United States apparently
found no military requirement to use antipersonnel mines in
the recent conflicts in Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan or Iraq.
This is a clear indication of the lack of utility of antipersonnel
mines in modern warfare, and in post-9/11 warfare... The new
policy shows the inability of the Pentagon to give up an outmoded
weapon, and the lack of political leadership by the White House.”
The Mine Ban Treaty has been tremendously successful. The
number of countries that produce landmines has dropped from
54 to 14 since the early 1990s, the sale of landmines has been
almost entirely eradicated, and more than 52 million stockpiled
antipersonnel landmines have been destroyed. Casualty rates
from the weapon have dropped from approximately 26,000 people
per year to 15,000-20,000 per year. But landmines are still
present in more than 80 countries, and millions continue to
suffer the consequences.
In a recent press release responding to the Administration’s
new policy announcement, Gina Coplon-Newfield, the Coordinator
of the U.S. Campaign to Ban Landmines said that, “U.S.
refusal to join this treaty sets a dangerous, isolationist example
to mine-using countries such as Russia, India, and Pakistan
that have laid hundreds of thousands of mines in recent years
with devastating consequences to civilians.” In addition,
the campaign fears that the new U.S. policy rejecting the Mine
Ban Treaty will cause countries that have recently given up
the weapon, to resume mine-laying activities.
Landmine Action Alert
Please contact the White House now and make it clear to President
Bush that you are outraged at this decision to abandon U.S.
efforts to join the Mine Ban Treaty and that you want the President
to reconsider.
Call the White House Switchboard: (202) 456-1111.
White House Fax: (202) 456-2461
White House Email: president@whitehouse.gov.
Please submit a letter to the editor. Many papers around the
country, and around the world, have published articles about
this. Many seem to inaccurately portray self-deactivating or
self-destructing mines as “smart,” though they cannot
distinguish between the foot of a soldier and that of a child.
Make your voice heard to policy-makers and the general public.
Sample Letter to the Editor:
The recent coverage of President Bush’s new U.S. landmine
policy sugar-coats a major policy rollback. The 1997 Mine
Ban Treaty has made a tremendous, life-saving impact throughout
the world. More than 52 million mines have been destroyed
from global stockpiles, trade of the stigmatized weapon has
slowed to a trickle, hundreds of thousands of mines have been
removed from the ground, most countries have given up use
of the weapon, and casualty rates have declined dramatically.
U.S. refusal to join this treaty gives political cover to
countries such as Russia, India, and Pakistan, which have
laid hundreds of thousands of mines in recent years with devastating
consequences for innocent victims.
Though President Clinton failed to sign the 1997 Mine Ban
Treaty, he did create a policy that would put the U.S. on
track to join the treaty by 2006. The new Bush policy rejects
any notion that the U.S. will join the treaty, puts off the
destruction of “persistent” landmines until 2010,
and asserts that our military may use self-deactivating “smart”
mines indefinitely. These so-called “smart” mines
cannot discriminate between the foot of a soldier and that
of a child, tend to be scattered by air and are thus difficult
to mark and map, pose tremendous challenges and costs for
demining teams, and threaten the lives and limbs of innocent
civilians and U.S. troops who step on the weapons soon after
they’ve been planted.
Meanwhile, reportedly, the U.S. military hasn’t used
antipersonnel landmines since 1991. Let’s join the majority
of the world in giving up this cruel, outmoded, and indiscriminate
weapon!
Sincerely,
Name
Address
General Assembly Policy
Since reunion in 1983 the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) has
repeatedly affirmed its long-standing call to end the arms race.
General Assembly resolutions and statements of the Washington
Office have gone on record to:
- Urge ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.
- Oppose deployment of a missile defense system.
- Advocate adherence to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
- Support negotiations for arms control and disarmament.
- Oppose expanded use of nuclear weapons.
- Oppose the development of new nuclear weapons.
Reexamination by the United States of both its domestic and
international policies, and the seeking of informed public review
of its foreign policy perspective and goals for the 21st century
will be based on the extension of the rule of law, the development
of strengthened instruments of nonviolent conflict resolution,
not on the continued enhancement of technological instruments
of destruction, shaped originally in the context of the cold
war... (Minutes, 2000, Part I, pp. 280-281)
The 214th General Assembly directed the Stated Clerk to once
again petition the president of the United States, the secretary
of state and the members of the United States Senate to take
every necessary step to assure United States ratification of
the Ottawa Convention to join with the countries that have already
taken the lead in the banning of antipersonnel land mines and
are engaged in the removal of those antipersonnel land mines
that have already been distributed. (Minutes, 2002, Part
I, pp. 704-705) |